{"id":166,"date":"2014-01-27T12:51:29","date_gmt":"2014-01-27T12:51:29","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/senan.org.uk\/?p=166"},"modified":"2021-01-27T12:53:28","modified_gmt":"2021-01-27T12:53:28","slug":"playing-parai-caste-class-and-liberation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/senan.org.uk\/?p=166","title":{"rendered":"Playing Parai\/ Caste, class and liberation"},"content":{"rendered":"
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(This response connected to earlier debate \u2013 Please see notes (3) for additional details<\/em>\u00a0)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

The Parai, a musical instrument dating back to ancient times, is used by the south Indian population. Many different Parai instruments have many social uses. Research into its uses, at times through Tamil literature, reveals how different social groups\u2019 use of the Parai related to the specific social structure that existed at a given time.<\/p>\n

When the caste system solidified, the Parai became identified as the instrument of a particular caste, called \u2018Paraiyar\u2019 in Tamil (it has a different name in Telugu, for example). Although the term \u2018Parai\u2019 retained some of its earlier meaning of \u2018communicate\u2019 in the Tamil and Kerala languages, the term Parai under the caste system began to travel to a number of other languages including English.<\/p>\n

This is why we oppose the use of \u2018Pariah\u2019 in English \u2013 although the term is mostly used by English speakers with no knowledge of how it\u2019s linked to abusive terminology. Raising awareness of caste oppression among western populations is vital to combat the discrimination that is taking place among the south Indian Diaspora.<\/p>\n

In India, the Parai instrument is now used by various Dalit groups as a symbol of struggle \u2013 a symbol of freedom. One such group based in Tamil Nadu is called \u201cPuthar Kalaik Kulu\u201d (Buddha Art Forum). The emergence of Buddhism in India has long been linked to the fightback against the caste system that is rigidly maintained by Hinduism.<\/p>\n

Dr BR Ambedkar, who challenged the caste system in the fight for Indian independence and after, employed various methods in his attempts to defeat caste discrimination. He even tried to convert oppressed caste people to Buddhism. This tradition still remains, and a number of Dalit groups take up Buddhism to try to fight back. Sadly, Buddhist-linked states, such as in Sri Lanka or Burma, actually seek to crush all attempts at resistance by oppressed minorities in those countries.<\/p>\n

Nonetheless the Buddha Art Forum in Tamil Nadu has done inspiring work \u2013 raising the Parai instrument as a symbol of struggle. They don\u2019t use this instrument at funerals, as the caste tradition has it; instead they play it at weddings, particularly mixed marriage weddings. This helps to promote awareness against caste oppression. At the same time this group vehemently opposes the atrocities that are taking place in Sri Lanka in the name of Buddha and have played Parai in many Tamil left \u2018nationalist\u2019 meetings.<\/p>\n

Inspired by this, a group of youth in London also took up this instrument as a symbol of struggle. Under the name \u201cParai \u2013 Voice of Freedom\u201d (P-VOF) they began to use the instrument at various events. This group however did not emerge with any particular identity. It is also informed by the use of ancient instruments by the African population at political meetings in London. The youth saw Parai as a Tamil instrument \u2013 and as a symbol of freedom \u2013 and wanted to popularise it as a freedom symbol in the west. They were totally aware of the caste connotation; however, for them the Parai is not only an instrument of \u2018caste liberation\u2019.<\/p>\n

As I understand by talking to them, they see that they are reclaiming this instrument (\u2018weapon\u2019 as they put it) from a dominant \u2018Aryan-Brahminical Hinduism\u2019 which oppressed all what is \u2018Dravidian\u2019 (or Tamil) and maintained \u2018untouchability\u2019. This is also not an organised group, and the Parai playing is open to anyone interested, including to those from a \u2018Brahmin\u2019 caste as long as they shared a similar conviction \u2013 ie the need to campaign for liberation against national oppression, caste and all other discrimination. They did not ask the caste background of those who wanted to play. They also didn\u2019t ask which part of Sri Lanka or India they came from (north, east, south, etc). Playing is also open to Africans and whites.<\/p>\n

The Paraiyar caste in both India and Sri Lanka has a tremendous history of struggling to break with the insult unleashed on them by oppressors. It wasn\u2019t that they didn\u2019t like the instrument, on the contrary it\u2019s a proud possession. But they were forced to use it in an insulting way at funerals and other events that re-imposed the oppressing caste domination. They fought back against this insult. There are many examples.<\/p>\n

Incidents also took place in the areas that the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam), who fought the war with the Sri Lankan state for separate Tamil homeland, controlled. Although the LTTE did not take decisive action, they managed to ban the use of the Parai in funerals. Due to the history of oppression, some will almost definitely oppose the use of the Parai. This should be understood. When so-called research into caste, or a caste-based \u2018act\u2019 takes place, the first to oppose it is not the oppressing caste but the oppressed caste. Those who suffered don\u2019t want to be reminded of their pain and fear, or to have caste oppression re-emphasised. Academics who conduct research are never sensitive to this. In the interest of \u2018research\u2019 which shines no additional light on historic truth, they completely exploit the enforced silence of the oppressed masses.<\/p>\n

The use of the Parai is no exception. It should invite movement from the oppressed caste. Dalit activists and others are trying to give a different emphasis to this instrument to upset the caste hierarchy (such as playing in weddings). This, however, should not be at the expense of either \u2018silencing\u2019 or in spite of the opposition from the oppressed caste. If there is a call from them (not individuals with vested interests, but a movement) to stop \u2013 the use of Parai must be stopped. There is no question about it despite whether it is \u2018right\u2019 or \u2018wrong\u2019.<\/p>\n

But calling for a ban on the use of Parai or any other instrument is not an effective action. Neither the caste system nor the use of the Parai in an insulting way will remove themselves from history without a struggle. But there are many ways the fightback can emerge, including through the \u2018remodelling\u2019 of the instrument and its role. This, of course, is not going to eradicate caste or insults that the oppressing caste associate with this instrument. Hence why socialists link these actions to the need for a general fightback against all oppression, without which it will be meaningless and like every other fightback, at risk of failing.<\/p>\n

Once P-VOF had started to play Parai, however, a certain dissatisfaction began to emerge slowly. Those who promote caste-based oppression in the Tamil community felt totally uncomfortable with the existence of such a group, of course. But the group also attracted \u2018liberal\u2019 minded \u2018intellectual\u2019 types. However, they were not able to support the youth involved in P-VOF as they saw these young people as \u2018nationalist\u2019 \u2013 ie the intellectuals considered that P-VOF supported militant struggle for a separate Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka (Tamil Eelam).<\/p>\n

These intellectuals, so-called, demanded \u2018purity\u2019 in this respect and suggested the group\u2019s name should be changed, rejecting the word \u2018freedom\u2019 in particular. The youth refused to budge. Although the Parai is a folk instrument, these young people said their group is not an art group but a political grouping to \u2018communicate freedom struggle\u2019. Thus failed the attempt at \u2018intellectual appropriation\u2019 of the group.<\/p>\n

P-VOF uses the term \u2018freedom\u2019 with the widest possible meaning, including freedom from caste oppression. But for those whose sole raison d\u2019etre appears to be opposing the Tigers (LTTE) it has only one meaning. In 2009 the Sri Lankan state carried out a genocidal slaughter of tens of thousands of Tamils. Some in the Diaspora refused to oppose the war completely in the name of opposing the LTTE. These people argued that the butchery of the military conflict could continue as long as the people were left out of it \u2013 an utterly wrong and purely utopian wish. Outrageously, they also opposed the massive anti-war movement of youth that took place in London.\u00a0 Most of the youth who protested outside the British parliament at that time did not have a clear political perspective or goal \u2013 but they were united in anger against the Sri Lankan state and clearly and correctly demanded an end to the killings. Since 2009 the understanding of \u2018freedom struggle\u2019 is evolving for these young people. Some are beginning to dedicate time to building mass struggle for freedom.<\/p>\n

But soon after the war ended in Sri Lanka, pressure began to mount on Diaspora activists. Denunciation of the LTTE was demanded. An intensive post-war report by the ICG (International Crisis Group), for example, denounced Tamilnet as a pure pro-Tiger website. Linked to this attempt to snap the links with the history of the LTTE was a demand that the Diaspora takes the TNA as its leadership and campaigns for reconciliation and equal rights. This pressure continues to this day despite the efforts of Tamil \u2018nationalist\u2019 organisations to condemn the mistakes of the LTTE and the calls for a war crimes investigation into both the Sri Lankan state and the LTTE together.<\/p>\n

In effect, what the Sri Lankan regime argued, in chorus with pro-capitalist western governments, is that the period of struggle is over. Every single word is aimed at finding a solution through \u2018parliamentary political\u2019 means alone \u2013 ie endless peace negotiations involving TNA with the Sri Lankan state and with some international mediator playing a role at times. Support for this approach has emerged particularly from those sections of the Diaspora whose sole aim was to oppose the LTTE at the expense of defending the people. Considering themselves \u2018intellectuals\u2019, they always had a two-sided approach to opposing the LTTE. One is the atrocious treatment of Tamil-speaking Muslims by the LTTE, and the second is the caste question.<\/p>\n

Anyone who desires to pass as an \u2018intellectual\u2019 or an artist in the Tamil circles needs to pass this litmus test. Condemnation of the mistakes of the LTTE is not enough, for those who argue for an end to all forms of mass struggle. Some of these \u2018progressive\u2019 badge-holders even thanked Rajapaksa for \u2018finishing the war\u2019. The Sri Lankan government also exploited this in many ways \u2013 particularly in their propaganda outside Sri Lanka. Ex-minister Dayan Jayatilleka, for example, has written and spoken on behalf of the Sri Lankan government \u2013and used similar arguments (caste and Muslim) to attack the \u2018Tamil nationalist\u2019 support base and in turn to justify the brutal war.<\/p>\n

The Sri Lankan authorities constantly asked why the Tamil Diaspora is only talking about camps in the North \u2013 what about the refugee camps in the East where the Muslims, expelled by the LTTE, are still held, etc. The Sri Lankan regime representatives gave a lengthy account of this when I defeated them in a debate in the European parliament over the GSP+ preferential tariff benefits to Sri Lanka. But they refused to acknowledge that serious activists were demanding a complete end to the atrocities being committed by the regime \u2013 no matter what population it was against.<\/p>\n

The small Tamil \u2018anti LTTE\u2019 Diaspora groups are now facing another complex situation. Unfortunately for them, the Sri Lankan regime has now presented itself clearly as the enemy of all Muslims, following the systematic attacks carried out against the Tamil-speaking Muslim population in Sri Lanka. It is clear, even more so now, that this regime is no friend to any minorities or oppressed sections of society; whether it is oppressed caste, or Muslims. The government\u2019s tactics, learned from British Imperialism, of divide and rule stand exposed. The regime\u2019s crocodile tears of speaking out for Muslims and Diaspora the anti-LTTE groups\u2019 attempt to advance a particular interest are all exposed.<\/p>\n

This has caused division among the Tamil artists. Regardless to say, those who have carried out vicious anti-LTTE propaganda due to personal reasons still carry on.\u00a0 They seek to influence and prey on anyone who emerges as a \u2018thinking person\u2019 \u2013 or who wants to be \u2018progressive\u2019. They pounce on the most \u2018conservative\u2019 elements of right-wing nationalism and use it to paint all those who are against the Sri Lankan state. On the contrary, various different currents and colours exist among the \u2018nationalists\u2019, non-nationalists, and socialists who are vehemently opposed to the current Sri Lankan regime.<\/p>\n

This is true among the new generation of young activists too. A majority of the youth have, however, rejected the idea that they will have to denounce everything about the past struggle and build anew. They are open to understanding and correcting the mistakes of the past, but not forgetting it. What direction this will take is not yet clear. There is certainly a push in the leftward direction and a rising left nationalism is notable. In Tamil Nadu the impact is very clear. Many young people are turning towards this or that form of Left Tamil nationalism. A significant section of the TN population is from an oppressed caste background. None of the caste-based political organisations oppose this, instead the Dalit organisations and other organisations based on the oppressed caste criticise vehemently the current Sri Lanka regime. The Buddha Art Forum is among them. And it is from this situation that the P-VOF has come to be.<\/p>\n

Since its formation, the P-VOF has expanded its political participation. It has played at a protest against the multinational corporation Vedanta and was enthusiastically welcomed by the organisers. P-VOF members have played at a protest against the killings in Gaza. They are playing in the streets against multinationals such as Tata, Lyca, etc. They also plan to continue to play the Parai at weddings and in the most unconventional places. As far as I understand they are in regular touch with Buddha Art Forum, and get Parai, training and advice from them. Joint activity of these two groups in London cannot be ruled out. But it is inevitable that they will run into attacks. They expected, of course, that the attack would mainly come from the elite and the oppressive sections of the community.<\/p>\n

But when they played at the Mullivaikal event \u2013 a remembrance of the massacre that ended in May 2009 \u2013 some of the so-called \u2018progressive\u2019 sections decisively turned against them. This was expressed in a comment made by another young capable man Sinthujan Varatharajah. He saw this as simply a promotion of Tamil culture minus caste. He argued that Tamil culture is a caste culture and wrongly assumed that they may try to \u2018de-link\u2019 the Parai from caste violence. He further argued that: \u201cIf an upper caste person plays the Parai, it\u2019s an act of appropriation no different to the appropriation of, for instance, Hip Hop by white people\u201d. While busy trying to be clever, he ignored the historical background and paid no attention to the situation that is currently emerging.<\/p>\n

We pointed out that the lecture Sinthujan gave to other youth is \u2018ill informed\u2019 to start with, lacking basic historical understanding. Activists who try to build a fightback often have to deal with such unfounded criticism from \u2018keyboard warriors\u2019. Sinthujan however hit back with a second lecture, this time on \u2018what is culture\u2019, and he explicitly spelled out the key reason for his opposition. \u201cThe Parai drum was recently taken up by mostly upper and medium caste Diaspora Tamil activists to rally for the Eelam Tamil cause.\u201d<\/p>\n

Since he was responding to a socialist, Sinthujan did not hold back from attacking the left in general and attempting to ridicule the activism. His response was full of personal attacks \u2013 including framing it as \u201cvellalarwash\u201d \u2013 eventually endorsing the attack that it\u2019s a \u201chigh caste, high class criticism\u201d supposedly against Dalits. This is typical of those who use some \u2018anti-caste\u2019 rhetoric, but in effect do nothing to fight back against this rotten capitalist system that allows caste oppression to continue. Or they actually do things that, if indirectly, nonetheless maintain the status quo. When their understanding and wrong tactics are questioned their immediate reaction is always an emotional cry and gross dismissal of any response as \u2018upper caste\u2019 argument.<\/p>\n

Leave aside this and other character-assassinating attempts \u2013 we will have to address a few theoretical points here.<\/p>\n

Race, class, caste and culture<\/h1>\n

Having \u201cdefined\u201d Tamil culture as caste culture, Sinthujan then accused me of understanding Tamil culture as being \u201csingle-fold\u201d and called it \u201cviolence\u201d and \u201coutright ignorance\u201d. Nowhere have I argued that or defined Tamil culture or any culture for that matter. However breathtakingly hysterical and hypocritical his arguments may be, I will have to repeat one sentence back to him in agreement. \u201cThere is no single Tamil culture \u2013 and there never was\u201d. We have no interest in \u2018defining\u2019 what culture is or to navigate through the definitions and silly phrases of post-modern academia.<\/p>\n

As with many other phrases, use of this term, \u2018Tamil culture\u2019 in general represents a certain historical evolution of a group with various features. Tamil culture is diverse, as is any other \u2018culture\u2019 on the planet. Culture generally reflects the social relations of a particular period which in turn are closely linked to the mode of production that dominate in that particular era. This means culture \u2013 or features of culture \u2013 is constantly changing and is dominated by those in control of the means of production.\u00a0 One of the leaders of the Russian Revolution VI Lenin once pointed out that within every nation there are two nations \u2013 one the oppressing capitalists, the other the oppressed masses.<\/p>\n

The oppressed masses however do not automatically surrender their rights and their learned way of life. But the fightback that emerges defines a new set of relations. This is a vital and most powerful aspect of all society. And this power \u2013 the fightback \u2013 is what finally ends the domination of social relations dictated from the top by the oppressors.<\/p>\n

Culture doesn\u2019t exist in blocks \u2013 purified clear divisions don\u2019t exist. This is why when we say English culture, we don\u2019t simply point to Tory culture. What an insult that would be to the English working class. Similarly the racist EDL\u2019s idea that they can uphold the purity of \u2018English culture\u2019 is not possible without the capitalists giving the idea credence by divisive language and policies. However, suffering working people can join racist organisations at times when they feel their rights are under threat and when an alternative struggle model isn\u2019t on offer. Then, what strategy can be developed to fight back against the racism of the EDL?<\/p>\n

We must first acknowledge what creates the fertile ground for racist ideas to take root \u2013 ie the link between the capitalists\u2019 attacks on ordinary people\u2019s living conditions and the emergence of racist organisations. Name-calling the English working class as \u2018racist\u2019 will not in any way help to combat the EDL. But organisations and the instruments of the capitalist class \u2013 the very forces that are responsible for the deterioration of conditions will lend their lips to the rhetoric of \u2018anti-racism\u2019. The reality is that racism cannot be combated in alliance with them \u2013 revolutionary forces realise this and put forward a strategy of organisations of oppressed workers and activists to come together independent of the oppressing forces.<\/p>\n

Note here that the EDL propagating racist ideas today is different to that of classical \u2018fascist\u2019 organisations in that they make all attempts to hide behind the social prejudice of today \u2013 and the difficulties that working people face. Racism today is different from the racism that existed at the time of early capitalism. Similarly race discrimination (if I can call it that \u2013 as this term is more closely associated with modern racism) during the feudal times is different from the more brutal early capitalist period.<\/p>\n

The caste system that exists in the Indian continent differs from racism, although there are a number of lessons we can take from anti-racist movements. Tamils and many other ethnic groups have lived in the Indian continent for thousands of years (Out of Eden by Stephen Oppenheimer and Guns, Germs, and Steel by Jared Diamond are two good books that give some insight into civilisations and human movements across the world).<\/p>\n

Although there existed distinct groups \u2013 and you can say they had different cultures \u2013 they also shared a number of things. When a more effective and efficient mode of production emerged it generally cut across culture and other divides \u2013 and spread. Caste is not a special type of mode of production, though it is in a way linked to the division of labour at its origin. But the caste system also went through and withstood various changes in society.<\/p>\n

The caste system as we know now is not the same structural system that existed at its origin or the one that existed before the Hindu revival. Everyone would agree that the Hindu religion should not be ignored as a main factor that held the caste system rigidly (the domination of the Hindu religion in south Asia meant that caste based discrimination continued among other religions too). But research indicates that many ethnic groups (including Tamils) existed before the emergence of the Aryan version of Hinduism. The term Aryan\/Dravidian is never used accurately \u2013 here it is used this way just to indicate the civilisation generally linked to the arrival of a new group of people. Though there is no conclusive evidence, it\u2019s generally believed that Tamils\u2019 ethnic group lived even before the Hindu civilisation. (Of course with different social structures \u2013 some may even have had similarity to caste divisions that emerged later). There were periods when Majority Tamils converted to the Samana religion \u2013 a version of Buddhism. Dalit groups in Tamil Nadu take pride in this old \u2018Tamil culture\u2019.<\/p>\n

There is no way to pinpoint the exact time and date of the origin of a culture or the origin of caste. Academics can debate this to their death. But unless a miracle takes place where everything is revealed like in a movie there is no way of knowing the exact origin and details of changes. Hence decisive conclusions are not possible. We can only look at the processes in history and try to understand its motions and the various forces acting on it. I do not agree that the caste system emerged from Tamils then spread across the Indian continent. We would argue that the caste system does not belong to any particular group or culture. Social structures are not created by ethnicity but by the mode of production into which they enter. Arguing that Tamils created the caste system is similar to that the English created capitalism. Culture is shared, ie an attack on any particular culture is an attack on all including those oppressed.<\/p>\n

There are a number of Dalits in Tamil Nadu who see themselves as part of Tamil history ie culture. We cannot also argue that every single \u2018culture\u2019 in India is caste culture and needs to be opposed. We cannot also pick and choose and say some cultures are caste cultures. Caste discrimination has omnipresence across cultures across south Asia (and among the south Asian Diaspora). No one particular culture harbours it. Instead we would argue that it\u2019s maintained by those who are in control of the mode of production \u2013 capitalist mode of production \u2013 and who benefit from it. Of course it\u2019s the capitalists who dominate all cultures in India. We should celebrate the culture of resistance \u2013 which of course will bring to the fore the symbols, food, music, other arts and aspects of the oppressed masses\u2019 \u2018culture\u2019. Attacking culture to achieve emancipation from caste oppression is based on a utopian dream that somehow cultural domination of the oppressed can be fought without really appropriating the control the oppressors have on our resources. Furthermore, the argument that to fight the caste system, Tamil or any \u2018culture\u2019 needs to be fought is a completely ridiculous strategy. This is likely to have the opposite effect, pushing those who would fight oppression to defend their culture and with that their own oppressors.<\/p>\n

Take Modi, the current Hindutva prime minister of India \u2013 if he goes on the offensive against Tamil culture, will Sinthujan advise a tactical manoeuvre in support of Modi? This is not an abstract question, but a political one.<\/p>\n

The political aspect is what concerns us more than abstract academic debates. What is the political consequence of this line of argument? The anti-LTTE section of the Tamil Diaspora still maintains their characterisation of the LTTE as \u201cfascist\u201d. Regardless of the specific definition, what is important is a political consequence. Does using this terminology make the massacre justified \u2013 was the war about \u201ckilling the fascists\u201d and the rest of the tens of thousands of deaths are \u2018collateral damage\u2019?<\/p>\n

A generalised attack on an entire people is a dangerous approach to take. Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and his ilk refused to connect the poverty, unemployment and social conditions (that they bore responsibility for) to the crime rate in places where black people live. Instead Blair blamed crime on a \u201cdistinctive black culture\u201d. The current Prime Minister David Cameron follows this line. Labour MP David Lammy used his background as \u201cgrowing up a black boy and subjected to racism\u201d to try to nail the argument that the riots in 2011 were linked to black rap culture \u2013 which was quickly capitalised by a most right-wing nutty professor to theorise how it also affects white boys. The lesson then, in his eyes, is to emancipate the whites from the black culture and of course the blacks themselves if they are up to it. But these people are not inherently \u201cthieves and criminals\u201d as capitalist politicians and their intellectual spokespeople would have it, don\u2019t have an \u201cinner criminality\u201d. Rather the conditions that they are forced to live in breed anger, frustration, disappointment and there is an absence of a clear channel to use that in an organised and coherent fightback. Nonetheless the positive slogan of fighting for \u201cjobs, homes and services\u201d struck a chord and had the potential to unite all the serious fighting elements of the oppressed communities.<\/p>\n

In passing we must here comment on Sinthujan\u2019s reference to the \u201cappropriation\u201d of Hip Hop. Should he be referring to white working class youth he is almost in line with the prejudice of afore mentioned historian David Starkey . Many would see Hip Hop as a form of music that originates from those who need to be heard on issues that need to be heard and were otherwise ignored. The threat to Hip Hop is not from white people per se but from capitalist exploiters in the music business regardless of skin colour.<\/p>\n

Real leadership is what is missing from various Dalit movements in India. The establishment of a caste-based elitism (like the race industry in Britain) has only benefited a small clan \u2013 often coming from the leadership families in each caste group. The formation of caste-based parties actually helped to exclude the anger and opposition, attempting to contain it within these political organisations \u2013 the political makeup of which is generally on the right.<\/p>\n

We oppose the TNA leadership, not just because they serve the rotten caste discrimination, which they do, but also for their political character. Though they seem to oppose \u2018Sinhala nationalism\u2019 they often seek allies in the capitalist UNP. This contradiction will never be understood without class analysis. The politics of the leaders of the caste-based parties is a vital issue in building any serious fightback. While providing lip service in defence of all people they in reality seek allies in the very forces that must be resisted.<\/p>\n

Furthermore the fightback of those suffering caste discrimination is made more complicated by the exclusive nature of \u2018identity politics\u2019. The term, identity politics, that is often used among the left in India refers to the character of caste-based organisations. These party leaders do not in any way promote the identities and culture of the oppressed. Instead they sell it for their own limited electoral gains. In effect the oppressed masses are reduced to being a mere \u2018vote bank\u2019. This phenomenon can be compared to the way so-called community leaders have been created by the so-called multiculturalism project initiated by the Labour party in Britain. In reality community leaders are unelected and unaccountable to the people they are allowed to \u2018represent\u2019 and they serve their own needs and the Labour leadership\u2019s.<\/p>\n

To deflect criticism right-wing Dalit leaders have become adept at using their caste identity. And of course they also \u2018sell\u2019 suffering as their own. They always try to divert the critics as an attack on the caste itself, and try to reduce the substance of the argument to a caste verses caste argument. This dismissal of discussion is not new. EV Ramasamy Periayr noted this oppressive Brahminical method. The left in India in general, faces a barrage of attacks from the right-wing caste-based leaders. Even before the left critics raise a strategy for any sort of class-based programme, their caste will be discovered and used (no matter which oppressed caste they from). From Arundhati Roy, to leading Tamil writers and activists, many faced these sorts of dismissals. This tactic is called \u2018identity politics\u2019- ie selling the identity to protect themselves from any possible opposition. But it also creates false hope among the masses that they have no other choice but to rely on these caste leaders for emancipation. This effectively creates an obstacle to the building of a class-based movement on the ground.<\/p>\n

However, it must be noted that the left in India is not a homogeneous block. The Communist parties there (CPI(M), CPI) traditionally ignored the caste question and continued to put forward an abstract argument that class struggle will be enough to tackle the caste question which was not enough at all for those who were at the receiving end of this monstrosity. The theoretical position that the eradication of class will start to solve most of society\u2019s problems is correct. But this should not be used to ignore the burning anger and suffering that arises from caste, gender, sexuality and other discrimination.\u00a0 This was not the case in Sri Lanka where almost all the struggles of the oppressed caste had some sort of left intervention which continues to this day.<\/p>\n

Yes, the reforms and rights need to be won. Every move to get additional rights and improving conditions must be grabbed. But the key question is how this can be linked to the fight against the caste system itself. This or that legislation, academic paper about the history of suffering, or the personal accounts of discrimination, though important will not challenge the very foundation of the caste system itself. A number of pieces of legislation exist to \u2018prevent\u2019 racism which we welcome. But they have done precisely nothing to challenge the core of racism. The ruling class of course will find their natural allies among the class-collaborating feudal elite in each community and in each caste. This in turn will only benefit those who want to maintain inequality and exclusiveness, for their own economic, prestige and privilege reasons.<\/p>\n

Those who have illusions in reforms forget that no reforms are won forever. Everything is subject to change according to the relative strength of the ruling class on one side and the struggling working and poor masses on the other. In Britain, where the so-called democratic revolution is supposed to have been completed, caste discrimination is vehemently protected by the Tories (follow the debate in the parliament about outlawing caste). We must welcome the attempt to include opposition to caste-based discrimination in the legislation in Britain. But it would be wrong to suggest this opens a direct route to the end of caste discrimination. It doesn\u2019t. That is our task as we build the fightback.<\/p>\n

Our writing on these issues is in contrast to that of Sinthujan who almost gave an indication that an anti-caste legislative act was formed. Our emphasis will be on the struggle that is to be conducted by the oppressed people and their organisation and the impossibility of achieving justice through a capitalist dominated parliament. (I invite all to read and compare both articles). The disgusting arguments of the Tories, and their consistent delay in passing even a meagre law will remain unexplainable for Sinthujan who chose to ignore the class aspects of the battle against caste discrimination in Britain.<\/p>\n

How can a real victory be won in Britain without linking it also to the class battle that we face? The Tory party cannot be lobbied (begged) into obedience on any human rights issues not to mention the caste issue. Here we would propose a strategy of united opposition of natural allies \u2013 the trade unions, struggling organisations and socialists and other activists. But we will not see any understanding of trade unions in any material that some of those crave for a \u2018progressive\u2019 stamp.<\/p>\n

Populist and reformist slogans can inspire hope that immediate solutions can be found and can quickly gain popularity among the suffering masses. Opportunistic defences have a certain attraction and can mobilise people. Some in Britain, for example, say that immigrant workers argue that they are doing the \u201cdirty\u201d work that British workers refuse to do. This line of argument is developed further to defend the immigrant workers against the most right-wing racism hidden Tory\/labour\/Lib Dem attacks. Among the immigrant community, at the brunt of the right-wing\u2019s attacks, this can gain traction and support. However it will be at the expense of pushing a section of British workers towards the far-right as they would claim they are for jobs \u2013regardless if they are \u201cdirty\u201d or not. Highly qualified immigrant workers and those doing supposedly \u201cdirty\u201d work did not voluntarily surrender to do the work at very low wages, but are forced into it by the system that constantly drives down wages. It will then be absolutely ridiculous if one argue that pointing out the above fact is an \u201canti-immigration\u201d argument.<\/p>\n

Only oppression comes from the top, not change. We must build opposition to the caste system among the ordinary people. If we are to build a serious fightback we cannot be choosy in terms of which oppression we fight against. There can be no exclusivity about who can fight. Every fight against every oppression must be linked together, and it should galvanise all those who are willing to put effort in. Excluding a group of people based on caste or culture is not only wrong, but is also an incorrect political strategy.<\/p>\n

The crimes of the oppressors are often forced down on to the shoulders of the masses who continue to face various oppressions. The British working class, for example, should not take the blame for slavery. Instead the empire, the whole establishment, should. It is they who benefited from it. British workers played a part in opposing slavery. But this is almost never mentioned. Instead the race industry is currently serving the establishment and liberals are quick to rally behind the blame game. They do that in the hope of quick gains from being seen as the \u2018defenders of blacks\u2019 and fighters against slavery and racism \u2013 the badge they award for themselves is in no way progressive when looked at in detail.<\/p>\n

Those who serve the caste, class-based oppression must be opposed in any way we can. The Brahminical establishment (which often merges with class-based oppression in India) must be opposed. This does not mean that a Brahmin should not have any say in this matter. Every Brahmin should be welcome to take the fight on, without feeling guilt for their ancestors\u2019 wrong doing, and without being pushed around by liberal attacks. A real fightback can never be the exclusive right of any particular group. Everyone can be developed into a fighter, no matter what caste, class, race, colour they are from as long as they have the conviction, understanding and passion to change the world for the benefit of all. This demands sacrifice and unselfish determination.<\/p>\n

Without this vision every development that has a character to develop into something serious will risk being nipped in the bud. Like Sinthujan\u2019s baseless and selfish attack against the P-VOF. Paraphrasing Che Guevara, those who don\u2019t feel the pain of the masses will cease to be revolutionaries \u2013 for them their own self-pain and self-promotion will be more important than anything else.<\/p>\n

Developing, building, uniting and strengthening the resistance and a political strategy \u2013 these are the primary tasks for genuine and serious fighters. The basic points outlined above flow from that. It\u2019s not an intellectual exercise.<\/p>\n

Note 1: \u00a0Here is some early writings that can be read with above article<\/p>\n

MPs refuse to outlaw caste discrimination\r\n